In 1979, workers of the Long Island
Rail Road did not reach a collective bargaining agreement with the
railroad. The State of New York, which owned the Long Island Rail
Road was going to object to the strike planned by its workers,
arguing that the Railway Labor Act, which gave the workers the right
to a strike, applied not to the railroad because it was state-owned
(and thus covered by the New York Taylor Law, which prohibited
strikes, rather than the Railway Labor Act). The union of the
railroad's workers sued in federal District court and commenced a
strike the next day. The President of the U.S. intervened and ordered
a 60-day cooling off period during which “the State converted the
Railroad from a private stock corporation to a public benefit
corporation” to try to run around the Railway Labor Act. The
railroad then filed a state suit, “seeking to enjoin the impending
strike under the Taylor Law,” but then the District Court decided
the Railway Labor Act did apply to the Long Island Rail Road (1).
However, the Court of Appeals reversed this ruling.
According to the District Court, the
precedent set in National League of Cities v. Usery
outlined that the “operation of a railroad in interstate commerce
is not an integral part of governmental activity” (2). The Supreme
Court noted that the Railroad really was held “to the terms of the
Railway Labor Act,” but since it was a state railroad, the issue
was whether the terms of that Act hindered the State from carrying
out its functions (3).
Additionally,
the Supreme Court noted that cases involving the doctrine in National
League of Cities have three
tests, and the one that this United Transportation Union
is concerned with is “whether... the States' compliance with the
federal law would directly impair their ability 'to structure
integral operations in areas of traditional governmental functions'” (4). In short, the Court decided that a railroad dealing with interstate
commerce was “not an integral part of traditional state activities”
safe from federal regulation (5). Chief Justice Warren went on to explain
that, besides, railroads had been under federal regulation for over
100 years before, and New York knew the Long Island Rail Road was
under regulation for 13 years before doing anything about it. The
Supreme Court thus reversed the ruling of the Appeals court and
decided the railroad was to be held under the Railway Labor Act.
In my
opinion, the decision in this case was in line with other cases
decided by the Court, such that the Federal government reserved the
right to regulate Interstate trade. This is based on the Commerce
Clause found in the Constitution, as discussed in class (U.S.
Constitution, art. 1, sec. 8). Thus, because this right is given to
Congress in the Constitution, the State laws concerning the same
matter are not necessarily protected by the Tenth Amendment. It is
clear that New York was putting up a fuss about the federal rights
regarding this railroad solely to use state laws to its advantage in
trying to stop the strike from happening.
However, what surprised me the most about this case was not the case
itself but what happened before the case. Specifically, that the
President had the right to intervene and order a longer cooling-off
period in order to avoid a strike, although in the end it did not
really work. I feel like that was overstepping the powers given to
him, otherwise I do not know the whole story or have just overlooked
a Constitutional power given to the President.
Bibliography:
1.“United Transportation Union v. Long Island Rail Road Co.,” Supreme Court case syllabus and opinion by Chief Justice Burger, hosted by Cornell University Law School. Website not dated, accessed March 6, 2014, http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/455/678
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
Daaren,
ReplyDeleteI agree completely with your assessment on this case. I too was amazed to see what seemed like such a clear and easy ruling based on what we've talked about in class turn into a legal tennis match. I'm still not entirely certain what enjoining the impending strike under the Taylor Law would have done, but all of this certainly serves to highlight all the legal maneuvering that goes on as both sides are trying to win cases in areas where precedent has yet to be set. And as for the president, he seems to be capable of a great number of things if you interpret the Constitution loosely enough.
- Brett